‘Lemmygrad’s resident expert on fascism’ — GrainEater, 2024

The political desperadoes and ignoramuses, who say they would “Rather be Dead than Red”, should be told that no one will stop them from committing suicide, but they have no right to provoke a third world war.’ — Morris Kominsky, 1970

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Cake day: August 27th, 2019

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  • At the risk of sounding weird, I have to admit that on occasion I’ll look up the latest results on this website for ‘fascis’ in hopes that maybe I’ll see somebody whom I can educate about history. I’m with @[email protected]: I think that we tend to deploy the term ‘fascist’ too easily. When we say things like ‘liberals are fascist’, ‘Joe Biden is a fascist’, ‘social democracy is the moderate wing of fascism’, or even apply the terms anachronistically, I get the impression that we have a narrow understanding of how oppression works, almost as if something isn’t wrong unless it is fascist.

    That being said, I don’t spend time explicitly addressing overuse of the term because A. it would exhaust me, B. it would make me look like a pathetic nerd, and C. as lower‐class people our anger is justified even if our terminology to express that anger is imprecise. I could patiently explain why Joe Biden and most other rich antisocialists aren’t neofascists, but at the end of the day they remain our worst oppressors. What good would it do? Calling them ‘fascist’ may be inaccurate, but it isn’t unfair either. Not really.

    Rather than quibbling over the terminology or the analogies, I tend to use them as opportunities to enlighten others with some pretty damning examples or anecdotes relevant to their case. I said a few months ago that many of us are impressed when we learn about the Fascist–Zionist collaboration of the 1930s, because it’s evidence for Frankenstein’s monster coming to life.



  • Among the atrocities committed by the Portuguese, it is possible to list the massacres in Xinavane, Mueda, Mucumbura, Wiriyamu, Chawole, Inhaminga, among others. University of Coimbra’s Documentation Center “25 de Abril” has a rich collection about what happened in Wiriyamu, with a hundred articles and newspaper clippings from the most diverse countries that participated in spreading information about the acts of the Portuguese in the region. On Saturday, December 16, 1972, Portuguese soldiers killed approximately 400 Mozambicans in Wiriyamu. Today, in the old village of Wiriyamu, there is a monument with the bones of the victims.

    Furthermore, there is evidence published by Le Monde Diplomatique (1972) that two South African pilots were hired as mercenaries by Portugal, and carried out secret chemical warfare missions against nationalist fighters in northern Mozambique. The operation was aimed at destroying the crops that would feed FRELIMO guerrillas, using the substance 2,4‐D, Dichlorophenoxyacetic Acid, which was among those used by the U.S. in Vietnam and World War II.

    (Source.)

    As a complement to the concentrationary policy of interning the African populations in large villages, the military hierarchy would use, from 1971 onward, the desperate option of “cleanup” operations, already largely implemented in Northeast Mozambique and on the eastern shore of Lake Malawi. These were meant to eradicate villages, exterminating all their inhabitants and emptying the territory to block the path of the guerrillas.

    By the end of 1972 the “cleanup” operations along the Zambezi, from Mucanha and Mucumbura to Inhaminga, started to prefigure a wider genocidal strategy. […] Soon […] the 6th Commando Group arrived in helicopters, surrounded Wiriyamu and entered it. The people were lined up, men in one group, women in another. For the most part they were then shot, but others were herded into houses which were set on fire, while some of the children were kicked to death and other individuals were murdered in various atrocious ways. […] At the same time, the rural areas were bombed, eventually with napalm, before the launching of “cleanup” operations to exterminate the remaining populations, supposedly in contact with the guerrillas.

    (Source herein.)

    And the Estado Novo’s colonies were all in Afrasia (not merely Africa as such).

    It really bums me out seeing somebody deny that the Iberian parafascists engaged in white supremacist violence. I am guessing that that is a product of the Portuguese education system rather than a conscious distortion, but still it really depresses me. It’s like nobody cares that the Iberian parafascists massacred Afrasians.















  • Some 75,000 Jews fled war‐torn Galicia for Vienna, the capital of the Austro‐Hungarian monarchy. Another 25,000 sought shelter in Budapest, the empire’s other capital. There they received the charity of imperial officials and private Jewish groups, who tried to provide the refugees with a minimum of care and shelter.

    However, most of the people in both cities had little sympathy or understanding for the refugees and recoiled from their unwelcome presence. Soon Galician Jews were linked to worsening social tensions. In Vienna they were blamed for wartime food shortages; in Budapest, for the acute and growing lack of housing. In both places, the Jewish refugee came to symbolize profiteering, criminality, and black marketeering in the pages of the right‐wing press and in the speeches of rabble‐rousing politicians.

    The furor over the “flood” of refugees even provoked a debate in Hungary’s most prominent sociological journal about whether or not Jews could truly assimilate into Hungarian society. The editors invited responses from leading intellectuals and tried to maintain a dispassionate tone, but the episode fueled ever more toxic anti‐Jewish language. By 1918, doubts about the willingness of Jews to fight were being voiced in Hungarian newspapers.

    (Source.)

    In Évian‐les‐Baines, France, in July 1938, an early international effort was made, or at least feigned, to alleviate something more common in recent decades: a refugee crisis. The crisis was the [Fascist] treatment of Jews. The representatives of 32 nations and 63 organizations, plus some 200 journalists covering the event, were well aware of the [Fascist] desire to expel all Jews from Germany and Austria, and somewhat aware that the fate that awaited them if not expelled was likely going to be death.

    The decision of the conference was essentially to leave the Jews to their fate. (Only Costa Rica and the Dominican Republic increased their immigration quotas.) The decision to abandon the Jews was driven primarily by antisemitism, which was widespread among the diplomats in attendance and among the publics they represented. Video footage from the conference is available on the website of the U.S. Holocaust Museum.²¹

    (Source.)